MIXED MEDIA
The liberal mass media don't exist, critic asserts
By Frazier Moore
Associated Press
So why does almost any discussion of the mass media default to their alleged liberal tilt?
The answer is: Years of conditioning that go back, at least, to Richard Nixon's media-bashing vice president, Spiro Agnew. Or so says Alterman, who aims to overturn what he sees as a bum rap.
Alterman, 43, writes the media column for The Nation and a Web log for MSNBC.com (www.altercation.msnbc.com). He's liberal. And he's clearly fed up with the widespread assumption he challenges in his new book, "What Liberal Media? The Truth About Bias and the News."
"I think that even most journalists genuinely believe that the media are liberal," says Alterman. "They tend to bend over backwards to give conservatives more than a fair shake on most issues. They feel pinned in, to a considerable degree, by the perception of bias.
"In my book I wanted to say: 'No! You're bowing to a false god!'
"What Liberal Media?" arrives with the United States at war against Saddam Hussein, and Alterman sees his book's thesis newly validated by the coverage.
"Instead of the straightforward scrutiny you expect from a good doctor when you go in for a checkup," Iraq war coverage reflects a different ambition from many journalists. "They want to be as positive as they possibly can: It's the right war at the right time at the right place."
In the front row of that bully pulpit is Fox News Channel, which has always positioned itself as the news source for people who don't trust news sources.
Thus far in Iraq, says Alterman, the flag-waving Fox "makes no distinction between its journalists and the fighting forces."
With his book, Alterman is hoping to embolden news professionals. But he also sounds a wake-up call to media consumers.
"I have a sense that there are loads of liberals out there who have been going crazy because they keep hearing about the liberal media," says Alterman. "And yet, more often than not, the media are dominated by conservatives."
His head count of conservative commentators speaks for itself (especially since Phil Donahue, one of the few liberals Alterman could come up with, has since been sent back into retirement).
But Alterman's analysis of media owners turned up no right-wing conspiracy just a practical policy of courting the largest possible audience while averting controversies that could hurt profits.
"There's an enormous conservative movement in this country, and no liberal movement," says Alterman. By favoring conservatives over the far less organized or vocal opposition, media owners are simply following the path of least resistance.
To make sure the political right maintains the upper hand, it ritually blasts the media with charges that even some leading conservatives, in unguarded moments, pooh-pooh.
Alterman quotes James Baker, Pat Buchanan and William Kristol dismissing the notion of a liberal media bias.
And from Rich Bond, former Republican Party chairman, he hears the strategy behind conservatives' campaign of "left"-baiting.
"If you watch any great coach," Bond is quoted as saying, "what they try to do is 'work the refs.' Maybe the ref will cut you a little slack on the next one."
As a case history of how the media cut Republicans slack at the Democrats' expense, Alterman exhaustively revisits the 2000 presidential race.
"I knew (the media) were distorting Gore's record and ignoring Bush's deceptions," he says. But when he took another look at that coverage while researching his book, "I couldn't believe how bad it was."