Obama makes Asia a priority again
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QUIZ: What was the most newsworthy event emanating from President Obama's recent visit to Japan?
A. His inappropriate bow before the Japanese emperor.
B. His major speech outlining his East Asia policy.
You would be forgiven if you choose A, but you would be twice wrong. First, because his gesture was diplomatically (even if perhaps not politically) correct and well received as a simple sign of respect for an elder (and elderly) statesman. But, more important (and largely ignored given the furor over "Bow-Gate") was Obama's major foreign policy address outlining his priorities for East Asia.
The president's message was a simple one: "America is back!" Members of the Bush administration could make the argument that we never left, but there was a perception of benign neglect as the war on terrorism and Iraq/Afghanistan consumed Washington's attention. While one could see President Obama as equally preoccupied, his four-country swing through Asia, in conjunction with a multinational Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation leaders' meeting, provided an opportunity to restore faith in America's long-standing commitment to East Asia security.
Rather than reverse course, the focus has been on building upon the existing base to take relations with Asia to the next level. With few exceptions, the Obama administration's Asia policies reflect "more of the same" or, hopefully, "much more of the same."
The president started, as he should, in Japan where the primary goal was reinforcement of the strong alliance relationship despite leadership changes in both countries. Much has been made of the growing "tensions" in the alliance but Obama was quick to try to defuse the most contentious issue by agreeing to a "high-level working group" to discuss Okinawa relocation issues, even while making it clear that he was committed to the previously negotiated base restructuring plan.
In his major policy address, America's self-described "first Pacific President" (based on his Hawai'i roots) underscored the central role of the U.S. bilateral alliance structure in Asia. He referred to the Japan-U.S. partnership as one of "equals," not a "senior-versus-junior partnership," clearly playing to Prime Minister Hatoyama's pro-clamations about wanting a greater say in the alliance. In truth, a "more equal" relationship is exactly what Washington has been seeking, one in which Japan plays a more active security as well as economic role in support of common objectives.
Obama, in expressing support for Asia-Pacific multilateral institutions, distinguished himself from his predecessor: "I know that the United States has been disengaged from these organizations in recent years. So let me be clear: those days have passed." In fairness, George W. Bush was a perfect eight-for-eight when it came to APEC. But perceptions trump reality and Obama's assertion helped reinforce the "America is back" message that he wanted to deliver (and that most of Asia wants to hear).
Obama's summit with the 10 members of ASEAN captured the most headlines in Singapore, since it placed a U.S. president and Burmese prime minister in the same room, underscoring Obama's "outstretched hand" policy. The objective remains the same: promoting free and fair elections and obtaining the release from house arrest of Aung San Suu Kyi. Openness to dialogue with Burma opens the door for Washington and the other ASEAN members to craft a more unified policy aimed at achieving these common goals.
Obama's visit to China helped set the tone for a new spirit of partnership: "the United States does not seek to contain China," he asserted, "the rise of a strong, prosperous China can be a source of strength for the community of nations." Obama seems determined to take Sino-U.S. relations to the next level of cooperation. It remains an open question, however, just how prepared Beijing is to truly cooperate on issues of vital importance to Washington, such as non-proliferation (read: Iran and North Korea) and climate change.
In recent years, visits to South Korea were always contentious, due to growing differences between the Bush and Roh Moo-hyun administrations on North Korea policy. But, Presidents Lee Myung-bak and Obama have developed a smooth working relationship and genuine friendship. They appear in lock step on North Korea policy, with both calling for "full and verifiable denuclearization of the Korean peninsula" while warning that continued provocation and confrontation will result in tightened sanctions. The challenge will be to keep this solidarity once U.S. direct dialogue with the North resumes next week.
In sum, Obama's Asia visit and first major Asia policy address sent the clear message that "America is back," especially when it comes to preserving and strengthening its Asian alliance relationships, engaging constructively with China and with regional multilateral forums, and in pursuing a non-proliferation/denuclearization agenda.
Ralph Cossa is president of the Pacific Forum Center for Strategic and International Studies. He wrote this commentary for The Advertiser.